The statement from Tadesse Werede (Lt. Gen.) was issued after the TPLF-controlled regional council conducted an executive session in the regional cabinet meeting hall in Mekelle under armed protection.

According to information and images released by regional media streams on Friday, TPLF commenced a meeting inside the Interim Administration’s cabinet meeting hall after declaring itself “elected” earlier this week.

The move follows the TPLF’s rejection of the federal government’s decision to extend the TIA’s mandate for one year to ensure regional stability.

The TPLF leadership opposed this renewal, instead reinstating its pre-war regional council and nominating Debretsion as the regional president, maintaining that the pre-war council holds legitimacy based on previous regional elections, which were held nearly six years ago.

In a social media post on May 8, 2026, President Tadesse Worede described the TPLF’s entry into the cabinet hall as a “destructive movement and the start of a dangerous chapter for the region.”

“I want to express that the body itself, which is attempting to seize the administration’s power by force, is responsible for all-encompassing destruction and danger that befalls our people following this illegal act,” stated Tadesse.

The President noted that the group [Debretsion led TPLF] ignored prior calls to desist and instead utilized armed protection to occupy government infrastructure.

“The body [TPLF] that recently declared itself elected released information and images today showing it has started a cabinet meeting inside the Tigray Interim Administration cabinet meeting hall,” Tadesse’s post read.

The current situation creates a dual-administration claim in Mekelle.

While the federal government previously justified the TIA extension as a measure to facilitate the transition toward permanent elections, observers warn the move to reinstate the former council risks undoing the fragile peace that ended the two year’s war in the region.

In contrast to the Interim Administration’s stance, Sebhat Gebreegziabher, a former member of Tigray’s pre-war regional council currently working with an aid organization near the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, challenged the legality of the federal mandate extension.

He argued that because the TIA resulted from an agreement between two negotiating parties—the TPLF and the federal government—any extension required a bilateral decision at the negotiating table rather than a unilateral decree from Addis Ababa.

He framed the current standoff as a result of the federal government attempting to force subservience rather than addressing the legal and democratic questions raised by the regional council.

The 16-page strategy identifies Somalia as one of the areas where ISIS remnants and Al-Shabaab continue operations after the collapse of the ISIS caliphate in Iraq and Syria. The document states that surviving extremist networks relocated to parts of Africa and Central Asia following what it describes as failures in counterterrorism policy under former President Joe Biden.

The strategy states that the US has two goals in Africa: preventing jihadist groups from establishing operational bases capable of targeting American interests and responding to attacks against Christian communities by extremist organizations.

Under the framework, the administration plans to maintain what it describes as a “light military footprint” in Africa while requiring regional partners to take greater responsibility for frontline counterterrorism operations.

The US government intends to provide intelligence support, counterterrorism training, surveillance capabilities, and targeted operations against militant networks. The document also states that Washington is rebuilding bilateral counterterrorism relations with African governments and expanding intelligence-sharing arrangements with countries facing threats from ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates.

“In Africa, we will maintain a light military footprint and expect regional and nearby partners to accept a greater portion of the CT burden, share effective intelligence, and degrade common threats as they arise,” reads the document.

It identifies Somalia, Sudan, Mozambique, the Sahel region, and the Lake Chad Basin as areas facing extremist threats. It also links security cooperation with expanded trade and commercial relations between the United States and African countries.

Washington’s 2026 Counterterrorism Strategy signals a structural shift in the Horn of Africa, mandating regional partners like the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission (AUSSOM) mission in Somalia to assume lead responsibility for frontline combat operations

The ENDF currently operates in Somalia under the AUSSOM and through bilateral security agreements with the Somali federal government.

Driven by the rhythmic pulse of childhood play, a young Azeb Mszelo Gebrekidan once raced through the familiar landscapes of her home province in Eritrea. Then, in a single violent instant, an ordinary afternoon became a life-altering tragedy.

A fall onto a jagged rock shattered her jaw, permanently altering her appearance and marking the beginning of her life with a disability.

Now 41, Azeb has spent more than seven years living as a refugee in Ethiopia.

She arrived in 2019, just months before the COVID-19 pandemic upended lives across the globe. Since then, displacement has been defined less by refuge than by survival. To support herself, she works from home preparing and selling berbere, the fiery chili spice blend central to Ethiopian cuisine, along with shiro, a powdered legume staple.

Three years ago, Azeb joined the Tesfa Refugees with Disabilities Association during its formative stages.

At the time, the association counted around 120 refugee members with physical disabilities. But according to Azeb, the organization struggled for years to translate its ambitions into tangible support.

Since its inception, she said, the association had been trapped in administrative limbo, unable to obtain an official operating license. Without legal recognition, members could neither secure partnerships nor access institutional support.

“For three years, our hands and feet were tied,” Azeb told The Reporter. “Since we joined the association, we haven’t received support from anywhere.”

That changed in early 2026, when the organization finally secured formal registration.

“Now we have hope,” she said. “I believe things will improve because we are finally recognized.”

Even before the association gained legal status, Azeb had sought other pathways toward stability.

She joined a cooperative initiative led by ZOA, a Dutch humanitarian organization supporting refugees and conflict-affected communities. The program brought together Eritrean refugees and Ethiopian residents, offering vocational training and equipment to establish a communal bakery.

But just as the group completed its organizational paperwork, the project abruptly stalled.

According to Azeb, representatives from the NGO informed members that local police had raised objections, effectively halting the initiative before operations could begin.

The collapse of the project pushed her back into the exhausting routine of home-based labor, grinding spices and processing flour to earn a modest income.

“I just want to live a normal life like everyone else,” she said quietly.

The Association—locally known as Tesfa Yesdetegnoch Akal Gudategnoch Mahber—was established to advocate for refugees living with disabilities, a group often pushed to the margins of both humanitarian assistance and public life.

The organization aims to strengthen the dignity, independence, and social inclusion of its members while advancing their legal and economic rights.

In January 2026, the association officially secured recognition from Ethiopia’s Authority for Civil Society Organizations, marking a turning point after years of uncertainty. The milestone was formally celebrated on April 27 at Addis Ababa’s Harmony Hotel during a launch event organized in partnership with the Regional Durable Solutions Secretariat (ReDSS) and the Ethio Friends Foundation for Refugees.

The gathering brought together honorary members of the association, representatives of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, humanitarian organizations, donors, and other stakeholders from across the refugee and disability sectors, all assembled to witness the organization’s formal debut.

Beyond its central mission of advocacy and professional training, the association has also positioned itself as a platform for broader social collaboration.

Its bylaws permit Ethiopian citizens who share the organization’s vision to join as members — an effort the founders say is intended to strengthen legal protections, expand support networks, and deepen community inclusion for refugees living with disabilities.

Speakers at the launch event described refugee life as one shaped by structural barriers: limited access to employment, education, and financial services. For refugees with physical disabilities, they said, those hardships are often intensified by additional social and physical obstacles.

“The challenges are doubled,” several representatives noted during the gathering, arguing that the people living through those realities are best equipped to articulate their own needs and propose meaningful solutions.

“People facing these double challenges understand their problems better than anyone else,” one representative said. “They must be able to present their own solutions to the government and organizations that support them.”

For the association’s founders, collective organization is not only about visibility but leverage — the belief that a unified voice carries greater weight in negotiations with institutions, humanitarian agencies, and policymakers.

Representatives said the association was also created to raise public awareness around the lived realities of displaced people with disabilities while building partnerships that encourage full participation and empowerment within society.

Among those attending the event was Ashenafi Teklay, an honorary member who has lived in Ethiopia as a refugee for 16 years.

Speaking to The Reporter, Ashenafi said the organization endured years of bureaucratic paralysis after its first meetings began in 2022. Despite those setbacks, membership grew steadily from 127 people to more than 200.

Now, he said, the association can finally begin what he described as its “real work.”

“Without a recognized license, we couldn’t move forward,” Ashenafi said, explaining that members personally covered operational expenses throughout the years-long administrative delay.

Their immediate concern, he added, is accessibility.

“The office we currently use is on the third floor,” he said. “It is completely unsuitable for persons with disabilities.”

Ashenafi also urged humanitarian organizations working with refugees to pay closer attention to the needs of the most vulnerable members of the community, particularly those who are bedridden or unable to move independently.

A formal association, he argued, makes it easier for NGOs and aid groups to identify needs and deliver targeted support more effectively.

While acknowledging the work of institutions such as the Ethiopian National Association of Persons with Disabilities, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, and the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, Ashenafi argued that refugees living with disabilities remain largely underserved because their needs fall between two humanitarian categories.

“There are currently no entities specifically dedicated to people living at the intersection of displacement and disability,” he said. “There is a lot of discussion about refugees in general, but very little awareness about the greater challenges faced by those within the refugee community who have disabilities.”

The association, he added, is open to partnerships with any local or international organization willing to support refugees with disabilities.

Looking ahead, Ashenafi said the group has already submitted project proposals to organizations including the Ethio Friends Foundation for Refugees and has received preliminary assurances of support, particularly in vocational training and access to credit services.

At the heart of those efforts, he said, is a broader ambition: changing how refugees with disabilities are perceived within Ethiopian society.

“Refugees with disabilities should not be seen as a burden in Ethiopia,” Ashenafi said. “They should become assets — people capable of creating opportunities and jobs for others.”

For 64-year-old Yemaneh Abraha, the association’s chairman, that vision is deeply personal.

Born in Asmara, the Eritrean capital, Yemaneh lost one of his legs more than three decades ago during the war against Ethiopia’s Derg regime — an injury that permanently reshaped the course of his life.

One of the founding members of the Tesfa association, Yemaneh arrived in Ethiopia in 2018 after what he described as years of instability and hardship in Eritrea.

“Life back in Asmara was very difficult for a person like me,” he told The Reporter, pausing before declining to elaborate further on what he described as a painful history marked by imprisonment and systemic discrimination.

After arriving in Ethiopia, Yemaneh became involved in refugee community organizing through the Refugee Central Committee (RCC), an experience he says eventually laid the groundwork for the establishment of the Tesfa association in 2022.

Now, with the organization formally recognized, Yemaneh says his priority is moving members away from dependency and toward economic independence.

“It is to make our members self-sufficient,” he said, outlining the association’s immediate goals. “Providing training, starting micro-enterprises, and helping members stand on their own.”

Achieving that vision, he said, will require stronger coordination between humanitarian agencies, government institutions, and civil society organizations.

Yemaneh’s appeal reflects broader structural concerns highlighted in international assessments.

A December 2024 protection brief published by UNHCR Ethiopia found that refugees with disabilities continue to face significant institutional and physical barriers, while many humanitarian organizations still lack dedicated budgets for disability inclusion.

The report noted that Ethiopia hosts more than one million refugees, though only two percent are formally registered as persons with disabilities — a figure expected to rise following planned verification exercises conducted in 2025.

UNHCR also identified heightened risks of violence, exploitation, and social stigma among refugees with disabilities, while funding shortages have reduced access to specialized services such as prosthetics and orthotics — critical support for people like Yemaneh and Azeb.

Still, while Yemaneh focuses on the long-term sustainability of the association, Azeb’s concerns remain grounded in the immediate realities of survival.

“I want them to help me establish a proper place for my work,” she said.

Then, speaking of others within the community whose circumstances are even more severe, her voice shifted toward urgency.

“Those who use crutches, and especially those who are completely bedridden, need serious support,” Azeb said. “They should be given priority.”

In a sunlit veranda in Merkato, in a neighborhood known as Abba Koran Sefer, a young boy once stood transfixed by the canvases of his neighbor, Jemil Shifa. Each morning, Jemil carried his paintings into the open air to study them in natural light, unaware that a sixth-grader lingered nearby, quietly tracing their lines in an almost obsessive act of imitation.

Nearly three decades later, that boy—now 38-year-old Ashenafe Mestika—still points to those mornings as the catalyst for a career shaped by 15 years of full-time dedication to painting. But the child who once copied what he saw has evolved into an artist intent on capturing something far less tangible: the fractured inner lives of a generation in motion.

His latest exhibition, Entangled Stories—or Teleflef Tarikoch in Amharic—ran from April 4 to May 3 at the New Cinema Complex. It offers an unflinching meditation on one of the defining crises of the modern era: forced migration.

Across 19 works, some stretching nearly five meters, Ashenafe examines the precarious space between departure and arrival — a liminal state where hope and loss exist in uneasy tension. The exhibition does not narrate migration as a linear journey, but as a disorienting condition.

“Through this exhibition, I explore the idea of ‘entanglement,’” Ashenafe told The Reporter. “It is where hope and loss, memory and emptiness, and the physical and psychological toll of crossing borders become inseparable — especially when the destination remains uncertain.”

The works are bound less by narrative than by atmosphere — what the artist describes as a single, “haunting umbrella.” Distorted human forms recur across the canvases: a head fused to a limb, bodies with multiple hands, figures suspended in states of incompletion. These are not abstractions for their own sake, but visual metaphors for dislocation.

One question reverberates through the exhibition: “How long now is?”

It is not a query about time in any conventional sense. Instead, it gestures toward the psychological weight of waiting — of lives stalled in transit, or cut short without resolution. The fragmented bodies evoke what Ashenafe calls the “disappeared”: migrants whose journeys ended without record, their fates unknown, their absence unresolved.

To anchor this sense of loss, Ashenafe threads familiar domestic objects into his compositions — kitchen utensils, household tools — artifacts imbued with cultural memory. Set against stark, often disquieting backdrops, these items function as both relic and witness.

“These objects carry the warmth of home,” he said. “They hold the memory of fathers, mothers, sisters and brothers — of lives that existed before. They are not just tools; they are storytellers.”

In juxtaposing the intimate with the anonymous, Ashenafe attempts to construct what amounts to both memorial and indictment. The works ask viewers to look beyond the abstraction of migration statistics and confront the human stories that vanish within them — stories that, like his figures, remain suspended between presence and disappearance.

Ashenafe’s influence extends beyond the canvas. For the past 12 years, he has led the Ashu Mestika Archive, a long-term documentation project born from a gap he encountered as a student at the Alle School of Fine Arts and Design.

“The biggest challenge was documentation,” he said. “As students, our opportunity to see the work of Ethiopian artists was very limited. We were learning largely from foreign references.”

The archive seeks to correct that imbalance. Through long-form interviews with both established and emerging artists, it aims to build a living record of Ethiopia’s contemporary art movement — a project he envisions unfolding over two decades and serving as a resource for future scholars.

For fellow artist and curator Tamerat Siltan, Ashenafe’s trajectory reflects a broader shift within the community — what he describes as a necessary awakening.

He points to a progression in Ashenafe’s work, from his 2015 debut Internal Expression and Beyond to the more overt Grant Me My Sovereign Death in 2024, as evidence of a deepening engagement with social realities.

“Art should document the thinking of its time,” Tamerat said. “But it must also challenge people — it should provoke, unsettle, and push toward something better.”

Yet both artists are candid about the structural constraints facing the art sector. In a country of more than 120 million people, the domestic market remains underdeveloped, hampered by weak institutions and limited state support.

“The problem is institutional,” Tamerat said. “Too often, those in positions of authority lack a basic understanding of the arts.” He cited the Ethiopian Artists Association as one example, arguing that stagnant leadership has failed to advocate effectively for its members.

The consequences are tangible. While Ashenafe has exhibited internationally—including a residency at the Millerntor Gallery in Hamburg, where he produced a 3.5-by-8-meter mural at St. Pauli’s stadium—the conditions in Addis Ababa remain constrained.

“We are working in an environment where even basic materials are difficult to access,” Tamerat said. “Sometimes it feels like we are scavenging just to continue.”

Compounding the challenge is a tax regime that classifies art supplies as luxury goods, placing additional strain on artists operating within already narrow margins. Tamerat argues that this reflects a broader failure to recognize the economic and cultural potential of the creative sector.

“Art can be a serious economic driver,” he said. “It can generate revenue, attract tourism and project a country’s intellectual and cultural identity to the world. But Ethiopia has not yet treated it that way.”

The absence of coordinated support, he added, affects every layer of the ecosystem — from access to materials and studio space to the scarcity of exhibition venues. Government engagement, in his view, remains largely limited to taxation, with little attention paid to the conditions under which artists work.

“Who is asking how artists sustain themselves?” he said. “Where they get materials, how they access space — these questions are largely ignored.”

Despite these constraints, Ashenafe continues to work with a sense of forward motion. He describes his practice as one of continuity, currently extending into a documentary series focused on video artists. He credits his persistence to a supportive family and early mentorship from figures like Gizachew Kebede, who introduced him to professional studios as a teenager.

When asked what guidance he offers younger artists, Ashenafe resists easy prescriptions. Instead, he returns to intent and responsibility.

“Ask yourself why you chose this path,” he said. “And make sure what you contribute is worthy of that choice. The work demands your full commitment.”

A a statement issued today by TPLF, which was struck off the federal political party register in early 2025, announces DebretsionGebremichael (PhD) will assume leadership of the regional administration as president, while KirosHagos and MihretBerhe will serve as speaker and deputy speaker, respectively, of the regional council.

TPLF initially announced its unilateral decision to reinstate the regional council last month, less than two weeks after the federal government announced its decision to extend the mandate of the TIA, led by Lt. General TadesseWerede, by one year.

The TIA was established following the signing of the Pretoria Agreement in late 2022, following two years of fighting between the federal government and forces loyal to the TPLF. Observers warn that without dialogue, the latest crisis of leadership in Tigray could spiral into yet another conflict.

The federal government has yet to make an official response. Speaking to local media last week, Tadesse said he has “no intention of leaving Mekelle.”

The fourth Made in Ethiopia Expo opened on Sunday, May 3, 2026, at the Addis International Convention Center, where the PM outlined his government’s efforts to reduce reliance on foreign goods through an aggressive push for domestic production. He claimed the efforts have saved over USD 3.5 billion a year over the past four years.

Official data indicates Ethiopia’s total annual import bill has hovered near USD 17 billion for the past several years, with fuel, fertilizer, machinery, electronics, and vehicles often listed as the largest spending categories. On the other hand, last year’s reported export revenue of USD 8.3 billion is Ethiopia’s highest ever, meaning the annual trade deficit is typically well over USD 10 billion.

Manufacturing’s share of exports remains minimal. In November 2025, Minister of Industry Melaku Alebel told lawmakers that the sector managed just USD 97 million in exports over the first quarter of the fiscal year despite accessing substantially more forex from banks for the import of machinery, inputs, and spare parts.

During his speech, the PM also said that close to 1,000 factories that had previously been shuttered have resumed operations during the period.

The group emphasized that the window for saving these detainees is rapidly closing as the kingdom accelerates its use of the death penalty.

The warning, published in an April 28 report, follows the recent execution of three Ethiopian nationals who were caught transporting khat, a stimulant plant that is legal and culturally significant in Ethiopia but strictly prohibited under Saudi law.

According to the findings, many of those currently on death row faced brief group trials without legal representation or adequate translation services.

HRW maintains that these imminent executions highlight a systemic failure to provide due process to vulnerable migrants fleeing conflict and poverty.

Based on the information extracted from three informed sources, the executed individuals were refugees, having fled from Tigray during the two year’s armed conflict in the region, citing the dire situation in the region still continues.

According to the report, human traffickers operating in the area forced migrants to carry the plant [khat] from Yemen into Saudi Arabia as a condition of facilitating the journey.

The report added that it has documented a wide range of human rights abuses against migrants taking the same route for years.

Denouncing executions for drug-related offenses as “incompatible” with international human rights law, the group urged Saudi authorities to reinstate a moratorium on the death penalty for such crimes, emphasizing the executions represent a clear violation of international legal standards.

“Saudi Arabia’s use of the death penalty is tied to systemic due process violations,” said Nadia Hardman, senior refugee and migrant rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The death sentences should be commuted and the death penalty abolished.”

While demanding the Saudi officials to immediately commute the death sentences issued to Ethiopian migrants, it also calls for the Ethiopian diplomatic representatives in the kingdom to intervene urgently before authorities move forward with the judicial proceedings.

The surge in irregular migration from Ethiopia reflects a broader crisis that extends far beyond the findings of the HRW report.

According to reports from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC) published in early 2026, irregular migration from Ethiopia—particularly through the “Eastern Route”—has reached record-breaking levels of volume and risk.

The reports stated that the Eastern Route, which connects the Horn of Africa to the Gulf States via Yemen, remains the most active and dangerous migration corridor for Ethiopians.

It added that outgoing movements along this route increased by approximately 18 percent, rising from 430,200 in 2024 to 506,600 by the end of 2025.

The organizations also documented a record-breaking surge in deaths and disappearances during 2025. This total, according to the reports, reached 922 individuals, nearly doubling the 558 fatalities reported in 2024.

The reports noted that migrants predominantly originate from the Amhara, Oromia, and Tigray regions, which are also the primary destinations for those forcibly returned from abroad.

The sky over Addis Ababa did not simply leak last Wednesday; it gave way. At the Megenagna transport hub, one of the capital’s busiest junctions, the air hung heavy with diesel fumes and humidity. Hundreds of commuters clustered under a patchwork of umbrellas, damp shoulders pressed together, all pursuing the same aim: a seat on a blue-and-white minibus bound for Bole, Gerji Mebrat Hail or Goro.

Among them was a woman in her mid-40s, moving through the crowd with visible urgency. She gripped a half-broken umbrella that offered little protection. After nearly 30 minutes in a line that advanced by inches, she managed to climb aboard a minibus.

On a rainy night in Addis Ababa, the notion of capacity is elastic. A vehicle built for 12 carried close to 20 passengers, packed shoulder to shoulder as the windows fogged with breath.

As the taxi pulled toward Goro, the fare collector—known locally as a woyalla—began calling out prices.

“60 birr to Goro. 40 to Mebrat Hail.”

The announcement was met with silence. For many, the increase was stark in a city where rising food and transport costs have tightened already strained budgets. Still, most passengers reached for their pockets, paying what had become, in effect, the surcharge of scarcity.

When the collector turned to the woman with the broken umbrella, she hesitated.

“How much?” she asked quietly.

“60 birr,” he replied.

What followed broke the subdued rhythm of the ride. The woman began to sob, her voice unsteady as she spoke.

“I only have 40 birr,” she said. “I am a cleaner. I scrub floors and toilets all day for 3,700 birr a month. My husband is a laborer. My children are waiting at home. How can I pay 60?”

The cramped interior shifted. What had been a space of silent strangers became, briefly, a place of shared witness.

She described the distance still ahead—a walk to Sefera, beyond Goro—and the arithmetic that no longer added up: a wage that could not cover transport, let alone food and rent.

Her distress prompted an immediate response. The fare collector’s tone softened; he returned her money and waved her through. Other passengers, many facing similar constraints, quietly offered small contributions.

But the moment of solidarity gave way to a wider argument. Attention turned to the forces shaping their predicament.

The driver, navigating the rain-slicked road, spoke up.

“I don’t have a choice,” he said. “Sometimes we wait two or three days in line for fuel. Other times we have to buy it on the black market—500 or 600 birr a liter—just to keep working. I have a family to support, too.”

His voice lowered as he described shrinking margins and mounting anxiety. With official tariffs rising, he said, informal fuel markets were compounding the strain.

“These illegal dealings,” he added, “will burn whatever is left.”

He also alluded to allegations that some fuel stations were withholding supply, reselling it at inflated prices after dark — claims that are difficult to verify but widely circulated among drivers.

Inside the minibus, the conversation drifted from personal hardship to broader questions.

Passengers began to speak of distant events — the war in Iran and the vulnerability of the Strait of Hormuz — geopolitical tremors unfolding thousands of miles away, now registering in something as immediate as a taxi fare between Megenagna and Goro.

As the minibus pressed on through the rain, the city remained lit against the storm. The woman fell quiet, her earlier anguish settling into a heavy, anticipatory silence.

What unfolded in that minibus reflects a broader strain gripping the country.

Across Addis Ababa, daily life has been reshaped by protracted fuel shortages. For more than three weeks, transport hubs that once pulsed with the constant churn of minibuses have slowed markedly. At filling stations, lines of vehicles — from “kitkit” Isuzus and freight trucks to taxis and Higer buses — extend for kilometers, waiting for supplies that arrive sporadically, if at all.

The disruption has rippled outward. Commuters — students, civil servants, the elderly — now spend hours searching for transport. Analysts and residents alike describe the situation as more than a logistical bottleneck; it has evolved into an economic shock that is diffusing through multiple sectors.

Fuel scarcity has driven up transport costs, which in turn has pushed the price of basic goods higher, intensifying an already acute cost-of-living strain. For low-income workers, a single trip can now absorb a disproportionate share of daily earnings.

Alongside the visible pressures of global supply disruptions, a parallel system has emerged within the city’s fuel market.

Interviews with drivers, traders and residents point to what they describe as an expanding informal network, in which fuel is diverted from official distribution channels and resold at sharply inflated prices. The allegations — difficult to independently verify — suggest collusion among some station workers, intermediaries and opportunistic traders.

Motorcycle riders have become central to this shadow supply chain, transporting fuel in jerrycans through congested streets to customers willing to pay a premium.

In the neighborhood known as 22 Mazoriya, a young man who goes by the nickname “Doctor” exemplifies this shift. By day, he shines shoes. Increasingly, he supplements his income by delivering fuel on a motorbike.

On a recent afternoon, he was seen transferring fuel from his motorcycle tank into a taxi — a transaction that has become more common as formal supply falters.

Speaking openly, he described a system that, in his account, has become routine.

“Getting fuel like this is now normal,” he said, alleging that some station employees divert supply toward informal channels where margins are higher.

He outlined a straightforward, if precarious, business model: purchasing fuel — often late at night or before dawn — at prices ranging from 300 to 400 birr, then reselling it for 500 to 600 birr to drivers and businesses unable to secure it through official means.

For him, the calculus is pragmatic.

“This has become an additional source of income,” he said. “The situation has opened opportunities for us. War is not something to welcome, but as long as this continues, there is work here.”

In response, the Addis Ababa Transport Bureau had introduced a priority allocation system, giving public transport vehicles first access to fuel. Officials also created a dedicated task force that has been deployed to curb hoarding and price gouging at filling stations.

The bureau has also urged mass transit operators to run at full capacity and called on residents to walk short distances where possible. Private vehicle owners, it said, should limit nonessential travel and conserve fuel as the country weathers the shock.

For many commuters, those measures have offered little immediate relief.

Admasu Yimer, who lives in Koye Feche in Sheger City and works in the Jemo area, describes the strain in blunt terms. Self-employed, he now spends at least four hours each day waiting for transport.

“Before, I would leave early and reach my office by 8 a.m.,” he said. “Now, after standing in lines for hours, I arrive around 10.”

The pattern repeats in the evening, he added, with long queues just to get home. The cumulative effect, he said, is eroding both income and routine. “Our income hasn’t increased,” he said. “But everything else has.”

At a consultative forum organized by the Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia on April 28 under the theme “Social Development for Nation Building,” PM Abiy Ahmed addressed public frustration over the persistent queues, arguing that the country has remained operational despite mounting global pressures.

“You always talk about queues,” he said. “There are queues, but fuel problems have occurred across the world.”

As a point of comparison, he cited the international aviation sector, noting that while carriers such as Lufthansa have reduced operations amid rising costs, Ethiopian Airlines has largely maintained its schedule.

“I haven’t heard people appreciating Ethiopian Airlines,” he said. “I’m not saying we should be praised, but I’ve only heard complaints while things were actually functioning.”

The prime minister also defended the government’s intervention, saying the state had absorbed a sharp increase in fuel costs — allocating roughly 20 billion birr in a single month to stabilize supply.

Despite ongoing fuel scarcity, the  government has confirmed the complete reinstatement of diesel supply to pre-disruption levels.

During his media address, Ahmed Shide, Minister of Finance, stated that at the height of the disruption, the nation experienced a 50 percent reduction in its daily diesel supply, decreasing to approximately 4.5 million liters.

“The daily diesel supply will now be reinstated to the prior level of 9 million liters per day,” he said.

The signing represents a significant renewal of a ten-year partnership, aligning directly with the aspirations of Agenda 2063 and the collective vision of “The Africa We Want.”

Following the ceremony, the momentum shifted to a high-level roundtable titled “Fostering a Culture of Transformative Dialogue in the Africa Region.” The discussion convened senior AUC officials alongside representatives from KAICIID’s Board of Directors and host country Member States to explore practical pathways for regional stability.

The collaboration traces its roots back to the original 2013 agreement, a foundation that has allowed both organizations to revitalize the AU Interfaith Dialogue Forum. Over the years, this forum has moved across the continent—from Nigeria in 2016 and Chad in 2018 to Rwanda in 2023 and Namibia in 2025. By creating this structured continental space, the partnership has bridged the gap between religious leaders, policymakers, and civil society, allowing them to engage directly with Africa’s most pressing peace and security challenges.

At the ceremony, KAICIID’s Acting Secretary-General, Ambassador António de Almeida Ribeiro, emphasized that lasting peace and security in Africa require more than just political frameworks. By partnering with the AUC, KAICIID aims to empower religious leaders and local communities who possess the trust and influence necessary to drive “real change.”

Ribeiro noted that the collaboration focuses on shifting dialogue from an abstract concept into tangible, community-level outcomes.

Ribeiro is a Portuguese career diplomat with experience across multiple assignments in Europe and outside the region. Over the course of his diplomatic service, he has held responsibilities in several postings and has overseen a range of key departments within Portugal’s foreign ministry.

Since 2022, he has served as the first Deputy Secretary-General of KAICIID. In January 2025, he assumed the role of Acting Secretary-General.

The Reporter’s Abraham Tekle spoke with Ribeiro to get a better understanding of the partnership between KAICIID and the African Union, emphasizing the shift toward a more practical, “transformative” dialogue to address modern challenges. The discussion also highlighted several critical priorities, including empowering religious leaders as essential partners in diplomacy, engaging youth to foster a long-term culture of tolerance, and collaborating on urgent global issues like human rights and combating hate speech.  EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: Could you provide a comprehensive overview of the recent MoU between the AUC and KAICIID?

Ambassador Antonio de Almeida Ribeiro: We have officially renewed our Memorandum of Understanding with the African Union. While our previous agreement was established in 2016, we recognized the necessity of updating it to address emerging challenges and set new objectives that strengthen our partnership. Given that the regional landscape has changed significantly since 2016, our primary goal was to adapt this new memorandum to reflect the current realities in Africa.

Alongside the signing, we organized a roundtable with African Union officials to address critical thematic areas. The discussion also focused on human rights in Africa, conflict prevention, the promotion of dialogue, and strategies for combating hate speech. These were basically the topics that we have discussed in the roundtable.

If we look back at the last decade, what is the single most successful “on-the-ground” impact KAICIID has had in East Africa, and how does this new agreement improve upon it?

Since KAICIID’s inception in 2012, its founders have designated Africa as a high-priority region. From the very beginning, we have engaged with various African nations and the African Union, leading to our first MoU in 2016. Beyond this formal agreement, we have implemented active programs in countries such as Nigeria, the Central African Republic, and Mozambique, while participating in projects across several other nations. Africa remains central to our mission, and this new MoU further reinforces the priority KAICIID places on the continent.

Ambassador, during the signing ceremony, you highlighted the role of the Interreligious Council of Ethiopia (IRCE) in this mission, as part of the “transformative dialogue” model. In reality, Ethiopia is currently navigating complex internal conflicts and administrative restructuring. How can the model move beyond the conference rooms of the AU and practically assist the IRCE in cooling tensions in Ethiopia’s regional states?

We must recognize that approximately 80 percent of the world’s population identifies with a religion. Whether or not they are active practitioners, this connection means that religious leaders hold significant influence both within and beyond their own communities. When an important religious leader speaks, not only the community listens to him, but his message goes very often beyond its own religious community.

This influence is an essential factor to consider, as religious leaders should serve as close partners to policymakers and civil society. Lasting peace cannot be achieved through diplomacy and political talks alone. However, by engaging religious leaders to work alongside governments, we can better prevent conflict and promote a culture of dialogue between different religions and cultures. This is our primary aim in partnering with the African Union. By aligning with the agenda 2063 goals for peace and security, we are ready to undertake joint actions to achieve these objectives across the continent.

How does this concept of transformative dialogue specifically underpin the goals and objectives of the new MoU?

We view dialogue as the tool for societal transformation, that’s why we call it ‘transformative dialogue.’ In the absence of dialogue, tension and conflict often escalate into war. Our primary mission is to promote engagement among diverse religions, communities, and entities as the most effective means of preventing violence. Nobody wants war and we believe it can only be achieved by listening to, understanding, and tolerating one another. This commitment to fostering mutual understanding serves as the core objective of KAICIID.

As part of your mission, you have also met with Ethiopian Fellows Alumni, CSOs, and youth organizations. Looking at the high youth population in Ethiopia, what specific, scalable projects does the renewed MoU offer to ensure these young people are not just “participants” in workshops, but are leading peace initiatives in their own communities?

Youth are undeniably the future of their countries and communities, making their empowerment absolutely crucial. We believe it is essential to establish close contact with them from the outset, as they are the leaders of tomorrow. By working with them now to foster a culture of tolerance and dialogue, we ensure they become the practitioners of these values in the future. This approach aligns closely with Agenda 2063, and our MoU clearly recognizes this objective.

Were there any other significant positive outcomes from the workshops?

We hosted individuals from various regions of the world representing five major religions. As they conclude their program tomorrow, a key highlight of their experience was visiting various religious sites. This is vital because it allows participants from different backgrounds and faiths to gain a deeper understanding of other religions and their practitioners.

This initiative directly promotes dialogue, and I believe it was a highly valuable experience for them to visit the cathedral, the synagogue, and the Grand Mosque in Addis Ababa. We are confident these visits were beneficial for the participants, and it was equally rewarding for us to facilitate these visits and have everyone engaged in this collective experience.

There was also a cultural program and dinner showcasing Ethiopian heritage. So, beyond the symbolic value, how does KAICIID view Ethiopian cultural and religious “soft power” as a tool for broader continental diplomacy?

As a significant form of soft power, we promote platforms and meetings, participate in conferences, and manage our Fellows cohorts. In Europe, for example, we have the Muslim-Jewish Leadership Council (MJLC), which brings together prominent Rabbis and Imams to engage in dialogue. We believe that all religions share a fundamental commonality: the promotion of peace and human dignity.

By recognizing that these values are common to all religions, we establish the common ground necessary to speak with one another and foster meaningful dialogue.

East Africa is currently facing significant displacement driven by both conflict and climate stress. Your roundtable specifically addressed this intersection. What are the mechanics of KAICIID’s intervention here?

While we do not intervene directly in the various conflicts occurring in East Africa, we work through the African Union to support their initiatives. We remain hopeful that this Memorandum of Understanding will further enable us to assist the African Union in its efforts to promote peace throughout these troubled regions in East Africa.

Are you providing the AU with a new policy blueprint for handling climate-induced migration through a religious lens?

Climate change is another of our primary concerns, and we are eager to cooperate with the African Union in this specific area. We hope to support their projects addressing climate change and its consequences, particularly the social tensions that these environmental shifts are causing in so many societies.

Hate speech and divisive digital narratives are a rising concern in the Horn of Africa. The MoU mentions “countering hate speech through trusted local voices.” How will KAICIID identify and protect these voices in environments where the media landscape, especially the social media platform is often polarized?

Through this MoU, we are ready and eager to cooperate with the African Union on projects dedicated to preventing and addressing hate speech. This is a deeply negative phenomenon occurring not only in Ethiopia but in many other countries, including those in Europe. We hope this agreement provides the opportunity to work closely with African Union officials to implement actions that curb hate speech, given its extremely damaging impact on all societies.

What measurable impact or progress should be anticipated within the communities of the 55 member states following the signing of this MoU, particularly regarding the resolution of long-standing backlogs in peace and security initiatives?

We will now begin implementing specific activities through a joint steering committee composed of KAICIID and the African Union. This committee will monitor the various ways we can cooperate across diverse initiatives, maintaining a permanent dialogue with African Union officials. This ongoing collaboration will allow us to continually assess when, where, and how we can most effectively provide our support and cooperation.

With the recent transition in African Union leadership, how do you anticipate the East African perspective will influence the implementation of the MoU over the coming years?

We had a very productive meeting with the recently appointed Deputy Chairperson of the African Union. I have no doubt that under this new leadership, the African Union will continue its vital work across the continent to promote peace and dialogue while actively countering radicalization and extremism.

The protection of “sacred and cultural heritage” is a key pillar of your strategy. In areas of active conflict within East Africa including Ethiopia, how can KAICIID and the AU practically intervene to protect these sites when they are often targeted as part of the conflict?

You can only protect the religious sites if you have the cooperation from the religious leaders. By engaging them in dialogue, we can identify ways to prevent conflict at these locations. Since every faith has a vested interest in preserving its own sacred spaces, this is a shared objective. Promoting intercommunal dialogue fosters mutual respect for all sacred sites, which aligns with the goals of the African Union. We are committed to bringing communities together to protect these sites, especially where they may be at risk.

As human rights issues become increasingly critical both globally and across East Africa, what specific actions or solutions can KAICIID provide to address the atrocities committed in the region?

We believe that human rights are universal values, as all countries have signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore, there is no excuse for failing to respect these fundamental rights. Our objective is to promote a culture of respect and tolerance, grounded in the unique dignity of every individual. Religious leaders play a vital role in this effort, as the respect for human life must be a core objective of every faith; it would be contradictory for it to be otherwise.

Regarding the issue of accountability, what are the expectations for both member states and KAICIID to ensure that perpetrators of human rights violations are held accountable?

This is very much related to the internal justice systems of all countries. What we can do from our side is to put all our interests and pressure through the African Union, which is also a very clear goal that they have, to promote human rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It’s something that is valid everywhere in society.

The African Union’s Agenda 2063 is set with a vision of the “Africa we Want”. However, critics often say these high-level MoUs lack the funding to reach the grassroots. How is the implementation of this agreement being financed to ensure it reaches the village level and doesn’t remain an “Addis-only” initiative?

I am convinced that we can promote activities without a financial burden that would make things impossible to materialize. We must utilize our soft power through our various contacts, the meetings we attend, and our partnership with the African Union. While financial aspects can be important, the primary goal is to initiate dialogue and facilitate encounters between people. The most significant contribution we can make is providing governments, religious leaders, and communities with the right environment to foster dialogue among themselves.

Leveraging your expertise, what steps must be taken to achieve lasting peace in Ethiopia and the wider region, particularly to ensure that ongoing conflicts do not undermine sustainable development and prosperity?

I believe that mutual respect is essential; without it, there will never be peace in Ethiopia or any other country in the region. This is not a problem unique to Ethiopia, but our goal is to convince political leaders that collaborating with religious leaders is vital for the well-being of their nations and societies. That is our core message.

As I mentioned, the key is dialogue—specifically, transformative dialogue. The alternative to dialogue is war and tension, which I believe no one truly wants, as it results in disaster for everyone.

Do you have a message you would like to share with our readers?

I was extremely pleased with this visit to Addis Ababa and the meetings we held at the African Union, including the roundtable discussion. It was clear from all our contacts that these officials are deeply committed to making Africa a continent of peace, respect, and human rights. Additionally, hosting our latest cohort of fellows in Addis Ababa at the same time was a very rewarding moment for both me and KAICIID.

I am certain that the fellows found the program extremely valuable, as it allowed them to meet one another, visit sacred sites, and engage in meaningful exchange. It was a wonderful group that achieved a very fruitful dialogue, perfectly representing what I value most: the promotion of dialogue and diversity.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the administration of the disputed Welkait Tegede Setit Humera (WTSH) zone issued conflicting reports this week regarding the status of ethnic Tigrayans in the contested border region of Ethiopia.

In a statement released April 22, 2026, HRW reported that security forces in the zone carry out arbitrary detentions and impose restrictions on the movement, employment, and service access of Tigrayan residents.

The rights group stated that these conditions have turned Tigrayans into “effectively second-class citizens” and forced many to flee to displaced persons camps in central Tigray, which currently house 740,000 people from the area.

“Tigrayans in Western Tigray Zone are facing severe and dehumanizing restrictions on all aspects of their lives,” stated Laetitia Bader, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch.

According to the statement, the report was compiled from testimonies provided by 40 current residents of Western Tigray and 17 individuals who have fled the area since December 2025. Additionally, the findings incorporated first-hand accounts from eight aid agency staff members, diplomats, and various subject-matter experts.

HRW also documented that local authorities require Tigrayans to obtain permits from ward offices to travel, which officials typically restrict to medical reasons.

However, the Welkait Tegede Setit Humera Zone Administration responded on April 24, 2026, describing the HRW findings as “false allegations” and a “predetermined narrative.”

The administration argued that the use of remote interviews fails to verify the motivations of sources, suggesting links to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

“There is a reasonable basis to consider that some sources may be affiliated with organized advocacy networks rather than reflecting the views of the general local population,” stated the administration.

It also rejected the “contested Western Tigray” label, citing historical claims and the 1991 incorporation of the area into the Tigray Regional State.

The HRW report included testimony from residents who stated they cannot access bank accounts or land due to a lack of identification cards.

“We are denied IDs,” one Tigrayan man told researchers. “This means we can’t access our bank accounts; we can’t access our land. Tigrayans are only allowed to work as day laborers.”

In its rebuttal, the zonal administration asserted that thousands of Tigrayans live peacefully in the zone and that officials have welcomed the return of displaced persons, provided they have no involvement in criminal acts.

It stated it remains committed to “resolving issues through constitutional and legal mechanisms” and “upholding the rule of law.”

While HRW called on the Ethiopian government to investigate interim authorities and allow independent monitors access to the region, the zonal administration concluded by urging the international community to ignore the report’s claims and support “Ethiopian-led peace processes.”

The Tigray Independence Party (TIP) issued a statement on April 23 supporting the findings of the Human Rights Watch report.

The party says the report exposes the “relentless and systematic persecution” of Tigrayans in the area. Although the Pretoria Agreement was signed nearly four years ago, the party said that the promises of peace and the restoration of constitutional order remain a “nightmare” for the population.

“This is not mere instability; it is a state-sanctioned campaign to make life untenable for Tigrayans, forcing them to survive as day laborers under conditions akin to slavery,” reads its statement.

Speaking to The Reporter, Gebreselassie Kiros, an executive member of TIP, said that they also documented continued atrocities and ethnic cleansing against Tigrayans in Western Tigray.

The TIP official leveled heavy accusations against the federal government, asserting that it is directly responsible for the campaign of violence and the stalled return of internally displaced persons (IDPs).

Gebreselassie emphasized that the federal government remains the primary actor to be held accountable for war crimes and ethnic cleansing in the region. He noted that daily reports from the ground indicate severe cultural and identity-based persecution, such as residents being imprisoned or fined up to 5,000 Birr simply for playing Tigrinya music.

“Without any justification, whatever bad happens to Tigrayans in Western Tigray, the one to be held accountable is the federal government,” he told The Reporter.