Ethiopia is preparing to hold a national vote in June, with 24 national and 45 regional political parties set to contest for power and representation in what many see as a critical test of the country’s turbulent democratic evolution.
As the seventh national election draws nearer, political actors, both ruling and opposition, are under growing public scrutiny to present clear and actionable policies on key issues such as the economy, national security, and governance.
Among the alliances seeking to shape the national debate is “Cooperation for Ethiopian Unity,” a coalition comprising the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP), the Enat Party, the Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP), and the Agin Party. The coalition positions itself as a unified platform advocating political reform, national cohesion, and institutional accountability.
Against this backdrop, The Reporter interviewed Mistresilasie Tamerat, who currently serves as coalition secretary for EPRP. A graduate of journalism, Mistresilasie began her professional career in the media industry, working as a reporter and political affairs program analyst at Asham TV. Her transition from journalism to active politics reflects a generational shift in Ethiopia’s political sphere, where media experience and public engagement are increasingly shaping leadership roles.
In a wide-ranging conversation with Surafel Ashebir, Mistresilasie addressed four central pillars of the current electoral discourse: strategies for economic stabilization amid inflation and unemployment; approaches to strengthening national security while upholding constitutional rights; the party’s social democratic ideology rooted in social justice and equitable development; and the immediate priorities the coalition would pursue in its first 100 days in office.
The discussion highlights the emergence of a younger political figure navigating Ethiopia’s complex and rapidly evolving political landscape, offering insight into the ambitions, challenges, and vision of a new generation of political leadership. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: Political leadership roles in Ethiopia are typically filled by older men. What can you tell us about what it is like to be an emerging young, female politician?
Mistresilasie Tamerat ፡ It is very difficult in the current political culture to join and succeed as a woman and as a young person. The political space is still dominated by long-established figures, and penetrating leadership structures requires persistence and resilience. Being both young and female often means having to prove oneself repeatedly in environments where experience is measured narrowly and leadership is traditionally defined.
However, I consider myself fortunate. When I transitioned from journalism into politics, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party extended its hand to me and welcomed me warmly. The party did not hesitate to entrust me with the responsibility of leadership.
For me, this reflects the true nature of the party. It shows that the EPRP believes in creating opportunities for young politicians and women, and that it is committed to inclusiveness and generational change within Ethiopia’s political landscape.
EPRP has yet to announce its intention to contest in this year’s election. Why is that?
The EPRP is contesting the elections through the newly formed Coalition for Ethiopian Unity.
When the coalition was first formed, it brought together five political parties. Today, three remain actively engaged. We are hopeful the others will soon formally join the coalition so that we can move forward with stronger unity and shared purpose.
At present, we are participating in the electoral process organizationally and administratively. However, we have not yet made a final political decision to contest the election. Our hesitation is not out of weakness, but out of principle. We do not believe the current environment provides the minimum conditions necessary for a free, fair, and credible election.
We have clearly outlined the conditions we believe must be met. First and foremost is the unconditional release of political prisoners. Based on information we have reviewed, in the Amhara region alone, aside from well-known political figures, more than 300 ordinary citizens have reportedly been detained in connection with Fano and, in some cases, simply because of their identity. This raises serious concerns about political freedom and equal protection under the law.
Secondly, the ongoing conflicts in various parts of the country must come to an end. It is extremely difficult to speak of democratic competition while war continues. We believe that genuine and inclusive negotiations should be conducted not only with selected stakeholders, but also with our brothers who are engaged in armed struggle. Sustainable peace cannot be achieved through exclusion.
In relation to the electoral process itself, we insist on the presence of independent international observers. We also believe that the independence of media institutions must be guaranteed. Without free media and credible oversight, public trust in the election cannot be secured.
If these essential conditions are met, we are prepared to participate in the election through our coalition framework. As a coalition, we have demonstrated significant preparation. We have nominated 1,300 candidates nationwide for the House of Peoples’ Representatives and more than 936 for regional councils. Of these, 950 candidates have already been formally registered. So far, the Election Board has ruled that 150 candidates do not meet qualification requirements, but we expect that further reviews will lead to additional approvals.
Organizationally and structurally, we are operating across all regions. In that sense, the coalition is not symbolic, it is functioning with serious preparation and a national outlook. We believe we have laid the groundwork necessary to compete effectively, provided that the political environment allows for a genuinely democratic contest.
Can we describe the leadup to this year’s election as being free and fair thus far?
At this stage, we do not believe that the electoral process can be described as fair, democratic, or independent. For an election to be meaningful, there must first be the basic conditions that allow citizens to freely obtain voter registration cards and participate without intimidation. Without those foundational guarantees, the process risks becoming procedural rather than genuinely democratic.
As I have stated before, we are still in the process. We are a political party, and in principle, the legitimate path to political power is through elections. We do not advocate for unconstitutional means. On the contrary, what we want is the birth of a truly democratic system in Ethiopia, one in which political competition is based on ideas, policies, and the free will of the people.
However, our participation cannot be unconditional. The requirements we have outlined remain in place. These are not excessive demands; they are minimum democratic standards. Unless those conditions are met, it is difficult to speak of meaningful competition.
There are many forms of peaceful struggle within a democratic framework. But when large segments of the population who feel harmed or marginalized by the current situation are unable to obtain voter registration cards, while the ruling party and a limited number of affiliated groups dominate the process, the imbalance becomes obvious. If a citizen does not possess a voter card, that citizen is effectively reduced to a spectator unable to exercise the fundamental right to choose and express political will.
I can give you a practical example. As EPRP, we sought to organize a public meeting in Addis Ababa. We were not permitted to hold that gathering. When legally registered political parties cannot freely meet and communicate with the public in the capital city, it raises serious questions about political openness.
The fact that we are still navigating these obstacles while technically remaining “in the process” speaks for itself. It demonstrates the limitations of the current political environment. Our position is not to withdraw lightly, but to insist that elections must reflect genuine democratic practice, not merely the appearance of one.
Your party identifies social democracy as its guiding ideology. In today’s rapidly changing political and economic landscape, do you believe social democracy remains a viable and practical framework for governance? More broadly, could you explain the core ideology of your party and how it shapes your vision and policy direction?
For us, social democracy is a practical governing philosophy centered on human dignity and balanced development. At its core, it envisions a society where extreme inequality is reduced and where the majority of citizens belong to a stable and empowered middle class. In such a system, people are neither trapped in poverty nor concentrated in excessive wealth. Instead, they have reliable access to basic necessities: housing, food, healthcare, education, and clothing.
Social democracy, as we understand it, is rooted in social welfare and equal opportunity. Every citizen should feel ownership of the country and benefit from its resources. Public revenue, particularly tax income, must be directed toward projects that prioritize citizens’ needs, rather than serving narrow political or economic interests.
Economically, we advocate for a mixed economy. We recognize the role of private enterprise and market forces, but we also believe the state has a responsibility to regulate, correct imbalances, and protect the public interest. Some critics ask where the resources to build such a social democratic system would come from. I respond with a simple question: how has the country mobilized billions of dollars for war? If resources can be found for conflict, they can also be mobilized for peace, development, and social protection.
Moreover, Ethiopia is rich in both natural and human resources. Many of these remain underutilized, while others have been used inefficiently or without benefiting the broader population. Take land, for example. Wealth in our society can be broadly divided into two categories: wealth generated through hard work and entrepreneurship, and wealth accumulated through privileged access to the system. Too often, economic opportunities are not distributed based on merit or productivity, but on political connection. This undermines fairness and prevents wealth from circulating back into society in a meaningful way.
In the current structure, market operations frequently prioritize profit over people. When unchecked, this can lead to the exploitation of workers’ labor. One of the fundamental principles of social democracy is the protection of workers, the assurance of fair wages, decent working conditions, and social security. Today, the labor of the poor often becomes the foundation upon which extreme wealth is built, without proportional return or protection.
For these reasons, we believe social democracy offers a balanced and realistic path forward. It does not reject the market, but it insists that the economy must serve society, not the other way around. Ultimately, our vision is a national system that prioritizes citizens, reduces inequality, and ensures that development is inclusive and sustainable.
Various studies indicate that unemployment remains significantly high in our country, particularly among young people. What specific economic policies does your party propose to address this challenge, and how would your approach create sustainable job opportunities at a national level?
We believe that the foundation of any strong economy is peace. Without stability, economic activity cannot thrive, and unemployment becomes a persistent challenge. Addressing this, our economic policy prioritizes both immediate support for the unemployed and long-term structural solutions.
In practical terms, we propose providing targeted subsidies to unemployed individuals, similar to the approach used by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front [EPRDF]. These subsidies are not intended to encourage permanent dependence, but to give people the breathing room and resources they need while seeking meaningful employment. At the same time, we aim to provide practical pathways and opportunities for job placement.
Currently, one of the major barriers to employment is the lack of internal peace. Ongoing conflicts have forced businesses to close, displaced workers, and disrupted local markets. Our priority, therefore, is to restore and maintain internal stability, creating a secure environment where commerce and industry can flourish.
Education is another cornerstone of our approach. By investing in quality education and vocational training, we aim to develop a workforce that is not only educated but also employable, with the skills needed to meet market demands. This prepares citizens to actively participate in the economy as opportunities emerge.
Our economic strategy is market-oriented, designed to harness the potential of Ethiopia’s large labor force while attracting foreign direct investment. As peace and stability improve, businesses will expand, investment will grow, and job opportunities will multiply. Once this framework is in place, our trained and skilled workforce will be able to fill these positions efficiently, translating education into real economic participation.
Ultimately, we see unemployment not as an intractable problem, but as a challenge that can be solved through a combination of peace, education, market development, and targeted support for citizens actively seeking work.
Currently, there are ongoing security concerns in various parts of the country, especially in the Amhara, Oromia, and Tigray regions. It is expected that this security situation will have a negative impact on the elections. How do you propose to address these security concerns?
First and foremost, I believe it is important to understand why citizens have felt compelled to take up arms. From our perspective, the root of the problem lies in the narrowing of peaceful political spaces. People resort to armed struggle when their legitimate questions and concerns cannot be addressed through dialogue, and when the party in power refuses to choose peaceful avenues of engagement. The environment for constructive, nonviolent political participation has become increasingly limited.
To achieve lasting peace, we cannot rely on symbolic gestures or superficial displays of power. True stability comes from responding to the genuine political concerns of the people. If a community feels threatened or believes its very existence is at risk, it is not for others to dismiss or deny that perception. Their lived experience must be acknowledged, and their questions addressed openly and respectfully.
Fair and inclusive negotiations are essential. This process requires independent mediation that is impartial and committed to the interests of all parties, not a mediation led by the ruling party, which has a vested interest in the outcome. The mediator’s role should be to facilitate dialogue that genuinely benefits everyone involved.
We also believe that national reconciliation is a critical step toward peace. However, reconciliation alone is not enough. It must be accompanied by transitional justice that is fair, impartial, and grounded in truth. Accountability cannot be delayed or compromised by allowing perpetrators to remain in positions of power. Justice and reconciliation must go hand in hand to build a stable and inclusive society where all citizens feel their rights and concerns are respected.
The National Dialogue Commission is gathering input from across the country for a reconciliation process. As a party, does EPRP believe the Commission can succeed?
From the outset, we have understood that the Commission has struggled to fulfill its mandate effectively. We chose to participate in the consultation process for over a year because we believe that it is better to engage and attempt to improve the system than to simply boycott it. Our goal was always to intervene constructively and ensure the process could reflect the needs of the people.
Early on, we raised concerns about the impartiality of those working within the Commission. While general agendas were collected and sent to the House of Peoples’ Representatives which, in theory, should reflect majority views, the process was compromised by external interference. The Prime Minister, for instance, stated that the consultations were intended to discuss Ethiopia’s past and future, rather than the present. This focus effectively sidelines the pressing issues citizens face today, undermining the purpose of the consultations.
Additionally, the Prime Minister imposed limits on discussing the transitional government. When the topics are predetermined in this way, it is difficult to trust that the consultation process will lead to meaningful outcomes. Our experience, like that of other parties, shows that repeated engagement does not necessarily translate into real change.
Under the current circumstances where conflict persists and government forces continue to use lethal force against citizens, simply sitting and “talking” becomes a symbolic exercise rather than a genuine dialogue. We see little value in participating in a process that exists only for appearances. The EPRP has no interest in pretending that such a process is legitimate or effective. Meaningful consultation requires impartiality, trust, and a focus on the real issues facing the people, not a predetermined script that avoids accountability.
Some argue there is no place for peaceful politics in the current political environment. How do you view this?
EPRP strongly believes that Ethiopia must cultivate a genuinely democratic process, one that is allowed to grow and mature over time. In this context, the role of peaceful political parties is critical and cannot be overstated. They are the lifeblood of any functioning democracy.
But not all political parties contribute equally to a healthy political environment. For example, Ethiopia currently has more than 60 registered political parties, many of which are organized along ethnic or regional lines. While diversity of opinion is important, we do not support the existence of parties that are ethnically exclusive, as we believe this approach can deepen divisions rather than foster unity.
What we advocate for are parties that respect and uphold the principles of peaceful, inclusive politics, parties that prioritize ideas, policies, and national development over narrow identity politics. A political culture built on dialogue, compromise, and constructive competition benefits all citizens and strengthens the democratic process.
Elections play a central role in this journey toward democracy, and political parties are the primary actors in elections. For a democracy to be born and thrive, it is essential to have political parties that engage peacefully, compete fairly, and contribute positively to the political landscape. Without such parties, the foundations of a true democracy cannot take root.
What is your party’s position on key issues of national interest, including the management and utilization of strategic resources such as seaports and the Nile River? How does your party propose to ensure these resources benefit the nation as a whole?
National interest is inseparable from the welfare and rights of the citizens. A government cannot claim to protect national interest while failing to safeguard the lives, security, and basic freedoms of its people. Unfortunately, we do not believe the current ruling party has fulfilled this responsibility.
Take the Tigray War, for example. The entry of the Eritrean army into Tigray, resulting in the loss of countless civilian lives, was not a matter of speculation, it is a documented reality. How can such actions be considered protective of Ethiopia’s national interest? Similarly, when the Sudanese army violated the Ethiopian border, the government later stated that it had allowed this incursion to avoid conflict with “our Sudanese brothers.” This approach prioritizing political expediency over citizens’ security raises serious concerns about the government’s commitment to national interest.
The management of strategic resources, such as seaports, has also been mishandled. The government’s handling of the Ethiopian seaport issue, particularly in dealings with Somaliland, reflects an internationally flawed approach that diminishes Ethiopia’s rightful interests. Likewise, the Abbay [Blue Nile] River issue has been partially taken out of African mediation, involving foreign actors, and the reduction of planned turbine capacity from 16 to 13 highlights the failure of prior diplomacy. These decisions, made during the transitional government period, could still have been addressed peacefully and diplomatically, yet opportunities were missed.
We firmly believe that national interest can and should be protected through principled diplomacy. Ethiopia cannot afford war, not when so many young people are being killed, displaced, or forced to fight. Any strategy that disregards human life and basic citizen rights cannot truly claim to defend national interest. Citizens’ safety, their freedom of movement, and their ability to meet basic needs for food, shelter, and security must come first. Without these protections, claims that the country’s strategic resources are being managed in its interest are hollow.
In short, the EPRP advocates for a national interest framework that balances diplomacy, strategic resource management, and, above all, respect for human rights. Protecting the country means protecting the people and any government that fails to do so undermines both the nation and its long-term stability.
Your party is one of five in a newly formed coalition. Could you explain the principles or agreements that form the basis of this coalition? What is the current status of the alliance, and how is it functioning in practice?
Party alliances are a common feature of Ethiopia’s electoral process, particularly during election season. In line with this practice, we have formed an alliance this year called “Cooperation for Ethiopian Unity.” The coalition was initially founded in early September and brought together five political parties. Today, three parties remain actively involved: EPRP, AEUP, and Enat Party.
This alliance is grounded in shared principles, including national unity, respect for human rights, and the commitment to compete collectively in the elections to avoid fragmentation. While each party maintains its distinct political ideology, the coalition is primarily a strategic response to ensure that our voter base is not divided. Competing separately would mean splitting votes among the three parties, reducing the likelihood of electoral success. By uniting, we consolidate support and enhance our chances of meaningful representation.
The coalition is intended to last through the election period. Looking ahead, there is potential for a deeper integration such as a merger or the formation of a front should the parties succeed in the elections. This approach is not unprecedented: similar processes occurred during the 1997 elections, and EPRDF itself emerged from the merger of four organizations, demonstrating that alliances and mergers are a well-established feature of Ethiopia’s political landscape.
Operationally, the coalition is active across all regions and cities of Ethiopia, working to engage voters and mobilize support. However, we have encountered challenges in registering our candidates with the Election Board. Some candidates face difficulties due to limited experience with technology, lack of access to smartphones, or the complexity and time-consuming nature of the electronic registration system. We have repeatedly communicated these concerns to the Election Board and hope that adjustments will be made to facilitate a smoother registration process.
In essence, the Cooperation for Ethiopian Unity coalition reflects both a shared commitment to democratic principles and a pragmatic strategy to strengthen our electoral impact, while ensuring that citizens have a clear and unified choice at the ballot box.
If your party were to win the vote, what would be your top priorities during the first year in office, and how do you plan to implement them to address the country’s most pressing challenges?
Our top priority in the first year would be to restore and maintain the security of the country. A stable and secure environment is the foundation for all other reforms, and we are committed to ensuring that security institutions remain fully independent and free from political influence. We believe that impartial and professional security forces are essential not only for protecting citizens but also for strengthening the democratic process itself.
Our second priority would be to stabilize the economy and stimulate domestic economic activity. We aim to create an environment where businesses can thrive, citizens have access to employment opportunities, and economic growth benefits the population broadly rather than a select few. Strengthening the economy is central to improving living standards and ensuring that democracy delivers tangible results for ordinary people.
Finally, we plan to foster broad public engagement through open and inclusive discussions. Citizens’ voices must be heard and considered in policy-making, as meaningful dialogue is crucial for building trust, accountability, and social cohesion.
In essence, our approach is to first secure peace and stability, then create the conditions for economic recovery, and finally ensure that governance is participatory and transparent. These steps, taken together, lay the groundwork for a stronger, more democratic, and prosperous Ethiopia.
